| October 1999 | ||
| VP News | ||
| Editorial : Overdependence on Governement | ||
| Ultimate Symbol of Achievement | ||
| From Shrirangapattana to Shriharikota | ||
| Ruchi Ram Sahni |
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In our country it has become a standard practice to blame the government, or hold it responsible for anything and everything, no matter what the occasion, or what the context. It could be an earthquake, accompanied by loss of life and property - both public and private; it could be a devastating flood which causes extensive damage to crops, renders large number of people homeless and leaves behind dead cattle; it could be a road or rail accident, causing injuries to and deaths of passengers; it could be a bomb explosion in a crowded place which blows up people and buildings; an old art or craft may be dying because its practitioners kept it in the family and didn't train outsiders; a famous scientist, now old, is forced to live alone and uncared because he has no relatives or none who want him with them; a well-known artist of yester-years lives in penury because he/she did not manage his/her riches well; it could be a self-styled inventor, unable to get anyone interested in his/her invention; a self-styled 'scientists' who thinks he/she has done something revolutionary but is unable to get working scientists convinced or to appreciate his/her work; some one sets up an industry, but is unable to sell one's wares; and so on and on. And there may be any number of other situations. In each of these cases, the government is either blamed or held responsible for something that has or has not happend, or for not coming up quickly or adequately with tangible help for the victim(s), sufferer(s) or for those who feel they have been neglected or wronged by society. Why have people come to expect that the government ought to come to their rescue, or bail them out, whenever they find themselves in serious trouble? Perhaps, this is a hang over from the days of kings and queens who were supposed to take care of and look after subjects and their total well-being - welfare state, the modern-day version of the older Ram Rajya. In Principle, there is nothing wrong or objectionable in the concept of a welfare state. If the government has the wherewithal in terms of resources and a population in which citizens willingly and actively contribute to this effort in more ways than one, it can become a feasible proposition. Let's look at the prevailing situation in India. The financial position of the government at the centre (or governments in States) has never been a very happy one. Not all citizens, who ought to pay taxes, do. Many of those who do, pay only part of what they ought to, by concealing income. The government loses revenue in distributing electricity, in phone services, in running public transport; through ticketless travel on the railways, theft and pilferage in stores, or of goods transported by road and rail; loss of duties and levies on goods illegally imported; and so on and on. Not only that, the government regularly bears losses and damage to its property through outright theft, vandalism, misuse, wilful abuse, etc. And all this is happening on a massive scale! One of our Prime Ministers once mentioned something to the effect that out of every rupee meant for development only about 17 paise got actually utilised for that purpose. The rest i.e. 83 paise got lost on the way to its final destination. All this points to some clear messages: continuing the way we have been carrying on is unlikely to take us to any desirable destinations; expecting and letting the government take on responsibility for anything and everything would only mean a big drain on available resources, without matching results/gains; people ought to learn and get used to taking their own initiatives to overcome problems facing them or adversities that come their way, without expecting or wanting every time the government to come to their rescue with doles, sops/subsidies; government employees at all levels ought to be made to work for the wages they receive and fully accountable for all their actions (and inactions where action is warranted) - every wrong-doing attracting deterrent and heavy price, without exception; all laws, dealings, public behaviour and individual/institutional actions which affect other individuals/institutions - ought to be implemented ruthlessly, at least till a majority of our citizens learn to respect and follow the rules, as a matter of habit.
What do you think? Readers' views would be welcomed.
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Bernal was a committed Marxist and a member of the British Communist Party. Bernal's interest and involvement in social and political issues began about the same time he initiated his scientific studies at Cambridge. He was the most respected and loved of Western intellectual communists. Today Bernal's views as a hardcore communist may not be appealing, if not, totally irrelevant. The world has drastically changed since Bernal's time. But then Bernal's political activity was just one aspect of his fascinating personality. Above all Bernal was a great teacher who could influence and inspire a large number of students, who later made pioneering contributions in their respective fields. Bernal was an original thinker. He was a visionary scientist. In fact, Bernal was one of the most influential scientists of his generation. By all accounts John Desmond Bernal was a dazzling thinker and talker. His contemporaries called him "Sage" as he was considered to be uncommonly wise. He had been the most brilliant thinker of his time. It was his encyclopaedic knowledge, his breath of vision, and his conscientious activism that most singled him out rather than his scientific contributions. Charles Percy Snow (1905-80), the English novelist and physicist, thought that Bernal was "perhaps the last of whom it could be said, with meaning, that he knew science'. Julian Huxley (1887-1975), the English biologist and writer, thought Bernal to be the wisest man in Britain. Joseph Needham described him as one of the best minds of their generation. Bernal was born on 10 May 1901 in Nengh, County Tipperary, Ireland. About his family background, C.P. Snow wrote: "Like almost everything else about him, his family origins were unusual. His father was what used to be called a squireen, somewhere between a farmer and a catholic Irish squire. His mother was an American, educated at Stanford, who wrote some interesting journalism and had considerable resemblances to a Henry James expatriate heroine. There were, as happened throughout Bernal's life, legends about this heredity, for he was a mythopoetic character about whom stories, and inaccurate statements, of fact massively accumulated. For private circulation there once appeared a loving document about him entitled The Irish Jew". At the age of 10 he was sent to boarding school, Stonyhurst, a Jesuit establishment, in England. He stayed there for two years before coming back to Ireland. It is said that the reason for leaving the school was that he was dissatisfied with the scientific education there. But after an interval, Bernal was sent again to England, to another public school, Bedford. At eighteen Bernal won a major open scholarship in mathematics to Emmanuel College, Cambridge. After getting a second class in Part I of the Mathematical Tripos, Bernal took Part I of the Natural Sciences Tripos in chemistry, mineralogy and geology in which he got a first class. Then he proceeded to Part II physics and got another second class. He became obsessively absorbed with crystallography and undertook an elaborate painstaking research problem in this field. He derived 230 space groups by means of Hamiltonian quaternions, an astonishing piece of work for an undergraduate. This work enabled him to get a research post at the Royal Institution in London in 1923. He was to work with William Henry Bragg (1862-1942), who alongwith his son William Lawrence Bragg (1890-1971), developed X-ray analysis of the atomic arrangement in crystalline structure. Within a short period, after joining the Royal Institution, Bernal established himself as one of the most accomplished crystallographers in England. At the instance of Bragg he started to work on the structure of graphite. His analysis of the structure of graphite was a classic piece of distinctly laborious work. He also created a diagram for interpreting X-ray photographs which is now called "Bernal Chart". In 1927 he came back to Cambridge to join the newly established department of crystallography. It was Arthur Hutchinson, the professor of Mineralogy, who persuaded the university to establish a department of crystallography and advertise for an Assistant Director of Research. The period from 1927 to 1937 in Cambridge was the most creative period of Bernal's scientific life. At Cambridge he worked on the structure of vitamin B I (1933), pepsin (1934), vitamin D 2 (1935), the sterols (1936) and the tobacco mosaic virus (1937). In 1937 he was appointed as professor of physics at Birkbeck College of the London University. He succeeded his great contemporary Patrick Maynard Stuart Blackett (1897-1974), who built an improved cloud chamber used to photograph tracks of a nuclear disintegration and cosmic ray shawer discovered the positron and got Nobel Prize in physics in 1908. Here Bernal made notable contribution on the structure of liquids and inspired others to do important work. The Bimolecular Research Laboratory, the brain-child of Bernal was opened by Sir Lawrence Bragg on 1 July 1948. In the words of Bernal : "The setting up of the Birkback College Biomolecular Research Laboratory was made possible by the generous gift of the Nuffields Foundation which enabled the college to equip and man the two houses in which the present research center is lodged. The old research laboratory of the physics department where work along these lines was carried out on a small scale before the war had been destroyed by enemy action and would in any case have been much too small for the scale of work at present in hand". The three objectives of the laboratory were : 1. "To work on the structure of proteins". The establishment of this laboratory is the testimony of Bernal's great vision. In those days when there were no proper hardware and computer it was extremely difficult to determine a precision structure. It took a team of 2 or 3 people 3 years to determine a precision structure. With the development of computer the same could be achieved in less than 0.1 second on a Intel based P2 running at 400 MH2. Bernal used to live in a flat on the top floor of the laboratory to avoid wasting of time in commuting. Moreover, staying there he could check up easily on the activities of his students in their offices on the lower floors. Besides scientists, many eminent peace campaigners were entertained in his flat above the laboratory including Pablo Picasso (1881-1973), who painted a mural on the wall of the flat. The mural, the only one ever executed by Picasso in England, was saved from demolition. Pablo Picasso's drawing on the wall of Bernal's Flat Bernal was one of the principal creators of molecular biology. Bernal was the founder of protein crystallography. Indeed, the field of molecular biology was sterile until Bernal's observation that protein crystals could be studied only in the wet state. Bernal was the first crystallographer to obtain clear images of X-ray diffraction by protein in 1934. To avoid dehydration during the experiment, Bernal had placed the protein crystals in a capillary tube that was closed at both ends. While the images obtained by Bernal did not lead to a three-dimensional description of protein structure, but these images were clear enough to confirm the macromolecular nature of proteins. Thus Bernal demonstrated the possibility of resolving the three dimensional structure of proteins. Among his students were Dorothy Crowfoot Hodgkin (1910- 94), who determined the structure of the vitamin B12 molecule through X-ray crystallographic analysis and got Nobel Prize in 1963; Rosalind Franklin (1920-58), who played a major part in the discovery of the structure of DNA by J.D. Watson and Francis Crick; Aaron Klug (1926- ), who developed crystallographic electron complexes and got Nobel Prize in 1982; and Max Perutz, who worked on the structure of haemoglobin and got Nobel Prize in 1962. Bernal's role in establishing the field of protein crystallography will be obvious from the following remarks of Perutz : "In 1934 J.D. Bernal and Dorothy Crowfoot (now Hodgkin) at the Crystallographic Laboratory in Cambridge, England, placed a crystal of pepsin in an X-ray beam to see if it gave a diffraction pattern. It was an unpromising experiment because it had already been proven that protein crystals give no diffraction pattern. This was only to be expected because the great German chemist Richard Willstatter and his pupils had shown that proteins are colloids of random structure, and the enzymatic activity of J.H. Northrop's crystalline pepsin did not reside in the protein, which was but inert carrier for its real, yet to be isolated, active principle. Besides, even if the German chemist were wrong, and a diffraction pattern were obtained, it would clearly be impossible to deduce from it structures of molecules as larger and complex as proteins. Contrary to all reason, or perhaps because they had not read the literature, Bernal and Crowfoot discovered that pepsin crystals did give an X-ray diffraction pattern. It was made up of sharp reflections that extended to spacing of the order of inter atomic distances, showing that pepsin was not a colloid of random coils, but an ordered three-dimensional structure in which most of its 5,000 atoms occupy definite places. Their observation opened the subject of protein crystallography. (emphasis not in original).
In the historical development of science, Bernal has a leading place. It was not so much for his actual contribution. As stated above he demonstrated that if treated correctly a protein crystal could retain its order during irradiation by X-rays and the three-dimensional structure could be worked out from the information scattered become of X-rays. His students went on to solve the structures of haemoglobin and other key materials. The application of X-ray crystallography to structural analysis of complex molecules revolutionised our understanding of biology. Bernal was the originator of the study of viruses by X-ray crystallography. This is because Bernal could visualise the utility of X-ray diffraction in determining the structure of virus and he and Isador Fankuchen (1905-64) had taken the first X-ray photograph of Tobacco Mosaic Virus and Tomato Bushy Stunt Virus in the 1930s. Bernal also conducted research into the origin of life and the structure and composition of the Earth's crust. It can be said that Bernal's work with Dorothy Hodgkin, Isidor Fankuchen and others on X-ray crystallography effectively started molecular biology. Bernal had anticipated that in the geometry and physical structure of such molecules must lie some of the explanations of the origin of life and the way the living process works. That Bernal was right became amply clear when Watson and Crick unravelled the structure of the DNA- the double helix. Science was absolutely central both to Bernal's social thinking and to his philosophical thinking. The scientific method encompassed the whole of his life. Bernal viewed science as a social activity, integrally tied to the whole spectrum of other social activities; economic, social and political. According to Bernal, the cause of science was inextricably intertwined with the cause of socialism. He believed that "In its endeavor science is communism". Bernal had proposed that government support and planning of scientific research would be the best means of improving the condition of human life. For Bernal there was no philosophy, no social theory, no knowledge independent of science. Science was the foundation of it all. Bernal's philosophy of science was in the tradition of Engel's. The important thing about Engel's concept of nature, as Bernal saw it, was that Engle's saw it as a whole and as a process. Bernal founded altogether a new discipline called "Science of Science". Its objective was to overcome overspecialization and to achieve the unity of science. "It placed science within the context of the whole of human and cosmic evolution. Its central idea was the process of transformation, and its scope was the whole range of human experience". Bernal's own writings included : The World, the Flesh and the Devil (1929); The Social Function of Science (1939); The Freedom of Necessity (1949); The Physical Basis of Life (1950); Science and Industry in the Nineteenth Century (1953); Science in History (1954); World Without War (1958); Origin of Life (1967) and The Extension of Man--Physics Before the Quantum (1972). Bernal collaborated in the 1940 monograph on steroids with Isidor Fankuchen and Dorothy crowfoot Hodgkin, in which crystal data were listed for more than eighty sterol derivatives. "The Social Function of Science", which Bernal wrote became the most celebrated piece of work. Many a people were greatly influenced by it. During the same period when he was involved in groundbreaking research on the crystals of biologically important substances like sterols, proteins and viruses. Jerry Rabetz, historian and philosopher of science, wrote in his essay, the Marxist Vision of J.D. Bernal : "With a magnificent sweep, his surveys run through the history, sociology, political critqiue and the future of science. His was a coherent vision, one deriving from a great tradition of progressive thought about science, which first matured to the mid - 18th century but was, I think, and enriched and deepened by Bernal's own intense concern for science and democracy … Bernal's Social Function of Science was perhaps the last of the great testaments of science in which a person of broad intelligence and philosophical depth could argue coherently the social problems of the world, and of science itself, could be solved simply by the methods and approach of science". Eugene Garfield wrote: "Through my career-- in fact, since my early adolescence - I have been fascinated by the history and sociology of science. Indeed, it is quite likely that a book my uncle gave me at the end of my freshman year in high school - John D. Bernal's The Social Function of Science was the spark that ignited my incipient interests in research and influenced my eventual decision to make a career for myself in the science community". In Science in History Bernal gave a general review of the achievements of science as a whole, revealing its philosophical significance and role in human history. In World Without War he discussed the prospects of the peaceful use of scientific discoveries for the benefit of humanity. Towards the end of his life Bernal was not happy about the way science was being done. Jerry Rabetz had asked Bernal in the early 1960s in London at a British Society of History of Science meeting : "How do you feel now nearly 25 years after you published your great work on the social function of science? How do you feel about science especially now since the lessons have been absorbed?" Bernal replied: "Oh, it's all a racket. Back in the old days we all loved science, we were in it just because we loved it and it was a great fun. But now you have all kids, it is just careers and they don't care. All they want is more money and more personnel. It is terrible". Bernal was deeply involved in wartime activities during the Second World War. After the Germans invaded Russia, he threw all his energies into aggressive war. Under the aegis of the Ministry of Home Security, Bernal carried out with Solly Zuckerman an important analysis of the effects of enemy bombing. He became an Advisor to Lord Louis Mountbatten (1900-79), the Chief of Combined Operations. He went to the Quebec Conference and helped plan the invasion of Europe. After the War, Bernal worked for establishing peace on the globe. Bernal died, at the age of seventy on 15 September 1971. Bernal was an active, often restless man but unfortunately for some years before his death he had lost almost all muscular movement. He could not speak even with amplifier except those of his nearest connections who could catch his tone of voice. We would like to end this brief write-up on Bernal by quoting C.P. Snow on Bernal : "..all through this life he had a curious lack of the artistic impulse to perfect a piece of work and sign his own name underneath. He started so many things, and stayed to finish only a few. Others could do the final work. He was part of a collective enterprise. In some depths of this temperament he was self-centred, but also he was the most unselfish of men. It was that combination, as rare as the somewhat similar one of Einstein's, which made him different from most of the human species". Certainly we need many more Bernals today - to inspire the younger generation and to generate ideas worthy of pursuing.
I would like to thank Prof. Santosh K. Kar,
Centre for Biotechnology, Jawaharlal Nehru University for giving
me the book, Science Is not a quite Life : Unravelling the
Atomic Mechanism of Haemoglobin by Max Perutz and Dr. A.K.
Mathur of NISTADS for providing some information on Barnal.
Subodh Mahanti |
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The British consider the Duke of Wellington,
Colonel Arthur Wellesley (1769-1852), who defeated
Napoleon at the famous battle of Waterloo (1815), one of
their greatest national heroes. However, not many people
know that this hero of Waterloo had to run away from the
battlefield when attacked by the rockets and musket-fire of
Tipu Sultan's army.
It happened at the time of the
Fourth Anglo-Mysore war (April 1799). General Harris led the
British forces on the siege of Shrirangapattana, the capital
of Tipu. The British forces had reached quite close to the
fort of Shrirangapattana, but there was a formidable
obstruction. To the south-west of the fort, near the village
of Sultanpet, there was a large tope, where Tipu had
stationed his rocketmen. Obviously, they had Col. Wellesley was not an ordinary Englishman. He was the younger brother of Lord Wellesley, the then Governor-General of India (1798-1805). Col.Weliesley, advancing towards the tope after dark on the 5th April, was attacked by a tremendous fire of musketry and rockets. The men gave way and retreated in disorder. In the midst of chaos that followed, Col. Wellesley lost his way, hid himself somewhere in the night and could report to Harris late only on the next day. The 'Sultan pet incident' had a profound and traumatic effect on Arthur Wellesley. His biographer Guedalla tells us that, even late in his
life, after Waterloo, the unpleasing night lived vividly Nothing therefore can have exceeded what was done on the night of the 4th. Scarcely a house in the town was left unplundered, and I understand that in camp jewels of the greatest value, bars of gold, etc., etc., have been offered for sale in the bazars of the army by our soldiers, sepoys, and followers.... Along with the enormous loot another precious gift from India arrived in England. It was the Mysorean rocket, two specimens of which can still be seen in the Royal Artillery Museum,Woolwich Arsenal, London. European rockets of the time had combustion chambers made of wood or some kind of paste board. The metal cylinder (casing) used for the Indian rocket was hammered soft iron; it represented an advance over earlier technology. At that time iron made in India was of a high quality, even ,though Indian furnaces were small and inefficient compared with those of Europe. Indian iron was sent to Sheffield, because it was 'excellently adapted to for the purpose of fine cutlery'. , The use of iron cylinder for the Mysore rockets increased bursting pressures, which allowed the propellant (gunpowder) to be packed to greater densities. This gave the Mysore rocket greater thrust and range. The metal cylinder was tied to a long bamboo pole or sword to provide stability to the rocket missile. From different accounts we come to know that the Mysore rocket weighed from 2.2 to 5.5 kgs. The metal casing was 4 ems in diameter and 10 ems long. The range is often quoted as about 1.5 kms. In exceptional cases it was upto 2.5 kms. There was a regular Rocket Corps of about 1200 men in Hyder Ali's army. Hyder's son Tipu raised it to about 5000 men. Furthermore, three or more rockets could be fired rapidly using a wheeled cart as a launch pad. Though not very accurate, their flash and noise had much moral effect on men and beast when massfired. Rockets were in use in Karnataka long before the Anglo-Mysore wars. Hyder Ali's father was alreadycommanding 50 rocketmen for the Nawab of Arcot. In the Second Anglo-Mysore war, at the Battle of Pollilur (10 September 1780), Hyder and Tipu achieved a grand . victory, the contributory cause being that one of the British ammunition tambrils was set on fire by Mysorean rockets. The scene is depicted in a famous mural at the Darya Daulat Bagh in Shrirangapattana. An innovator in many ways, Tipu was greatly interested in rocket development. He showed great interest in such European inventions as barometers and thermometers and several other novel devices. Tipu had sent some of his rockets to the Sultan of Constantinople as presents. Rockets were known in India much before the Anglo-Mysore wars. Their early references are mostly from south India. The Mysore rulers might have got information about gunpowder and rockets from Malabar, iNhere the Chinese used to come for trading. For firecrackers words like 'china-bedi' and 'china-padakkam' are still in use in the Malayalam language. *Gunpowder was discovered in China in the ninth. . century A.D., when the first reference to the mixing of ., charcoal, saltpetre and sulphur is found. About the I early eleventh century the Chinese developed a kind of incendiary arrow, in fact the rocket. We have descriptions of their use against the Mongols at the siege of Kai-Feng-Fue in 1232 A.D. It was through the Mongols or the Arabs that the know-how of gunpowder and rockets reached Europe in the thirteenth century (Figure). India also acquired the know-how of gunpowder about the same time, either through Chinese alchemists or through Chinese traders coming to Indian ports. Anyway, it is certain that by about 1400 A. D. the Chinese fireworks techniques were well-known in India. There is a treatise on fireworks in Persian written about 1450 A.D. by Zain-ul-Abidin, the Muslim ruler of Kashmir. In the fifteenth century A.D. various kinds offireworks were displayed at Vijayanagar during festivals. r Ain-e-Akbari gives a list of 77 weapons in the arsenal \I of Akbar, bana (rocket) being mentioned at the end. In fact, the word bana or agnibana in the sense of a rocket finds a place in several Sanskrit works of the mediaeval period. In China the tube of a rocket was made of bamboo. The use of iron tube for rocket is probably an Indian innovation. The British were greatly impressed by the Mysorean rockets using iron tubes. Several of them were sent to England, and from 1801, William Congreve (1772-1828), son of the Comptroller of the Royal Woolwich Arsenal, London, after thoroughly examining the Indian specimens, set on a vigorous research and development programme at the Arsenal's laboratory. Congreve prepared a new propellant mixture, and developed a rocket motor with a strong iron tube with conical nose, weighing about 14.5 kg. He also published three books on rocketry It is important to note that Congreve, on the basis '" of Newton' third law, recognised one of the chief advantages of the rocket n the absence of recoil force, making it suitable for sea-borne assault. In the first quarter of the nineteenth century the British used Congreve's rockets in several sea-wars, e.g., in a trial attack on Boulogne in 1806, in the siege of Copenhagen in 1807, etc. The rockets that Congreve ultimately developed weighed 20 kg with a range up to 2.7 km. Thus, from the above description it is amply clear that better rockets came to be developed in England only after experiencing and examining the Indian rockets. It was a time when in England the first wave of the Industrial Revolution and technical innovations had begun. Till the end of 18th century several products of Indian technology were much superior to that of the British, but there was no proper environment for their scientific development in our country. However, we should not forget that the plunder of Shrirangapattana and Tipu's rockets had also made a small but significant contribution to the Industrial Revolution that took place in England. A new era of rocket development was initiated in the early 20th century. In 1903, Russian scientist Konstantin Tsiolkovasky (1857-1935) published his theory of rocket propulsion. He was the first scientist to establish that only a rocket can travel in interplanetary space. Then the American professor Robert Goddard (1882-1945) worked on the development of liquid-fuelled rockets, the first one being launched in 1929. During the Second World War a powerful V-2 rocket was developed in Germany and was used in large numbers against Britain and other European countries. At the end of the World War several V-2 rockets were shifted to America, I I and Wernher von Braun (1912-77), a German rocker i expert, also took shelter there. After that there was i vigorous development of modern rockets and missiles in the USA. However, the first artificial satelliteI" Sputnik-1 was put into orbit in 1957 by the USSR. Also, it was a Soviet rocket that put the first man, I Yuri Gagarin, into orbit in 1961 Till then India had no modern rocket of its own. First time sounding rockets for atmospheric research were launched from Thumba in November 1963. They were acquired from foreign countries. The first indigenous rocket, Rohini-75, weigning 10 kgs, was successfully launched from Thumba in November 1967. After that India went on building bigger and more powerful rockets. Right in the beginning, ISRO planned a rocket capable of sending a small satellite into orbit. Work also started on a rocket launching centre at the Shriharikota island. There is not much difference between a rocket and a missile. Therefore, in the area of rocket technology one can not expect any help from foreign countries. India developed its powerful SLV-3 rocket with its own efforts within a short span of ten years. During the years 1880-83, SLV-3 rockets were successfuly launched from Shriharikota. It also successfuly placed a home-made 40 kg satellite in a near-earth orbit. With this India became the seventh country in the world to launch its satellite with its own rocket. After SLV-3, Indian scientists developed a more powerful rocket -- the AS LV, which was tested for the first time in 1987. Then in May 1992, this ASLV rocket, launched from Shriharikota, placed the ISRO-made SROSS satellite into a near-earth orbit. Also, a more powerful rocket -- the PSLV (Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle) -- was in the making. Its second developmental flight in October 1994 was a great success. PSLV is Mobile Service Tower, Shriharikotacapable of putting a 1000 kg remote sensing satellite into a 1000 km high polar orbit. This was proved when the PSLV rocket, launched from Shriharikaota on 26 May 1999, successfuly put into high orbits three satellites -- one Indian and two foreign made. Now, in our country another rocket, more powerful than the PSLV, is almost ready for its maiden launching. Named GSLV (Geo-stationary Satellite Launch Vehicle), the rocket is capable of placing an Insat-like satellite into the 36,000 km high sun-synchronous circular orbit. According to ISRO, its first flight will take place some time in the first quarter of 2000 A.D. Thus, with the beginning of the new century and the new millennium" (2001) India will step into a new era of rocket technology -- India will be capable of launching all its satellites with its own rockets. In the field of rocket techology India is again attaining a leading position in the world. Modern rockets are based on a very high and advanced technology. But we should also remember that about two hundred years ago Indian rockets were the best in the world. The story of the development of Indian rockets from Shrirangapattan to Shriharikota has been quite topsyturvy. The rockets of Shrirangapattan were used against an imperial power. The rockets being launched from Shriharikota are for space exploration and scientific benefits. |
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- A UNIQUE SCIENCE POPULARISATION EFFORT IN PREINDEPENDENCE INDIA The name of Prof. Ruchi Ram Sahni's may still be unfamiliar to a majority of Indians. In fact before NCSTC and Vigyan Prasar made efforts to publicise the pioneering efforts made by Ruchi Ram Sahni in popularising science in the last part of the nineteenth century, people knew him only as the father of Birbal Sahni, the founder of Birbal Sahni Institute of Palaeobotany at Lucknow. Ruchi Ram Sahni was a multi-faceted personality. He was a scientist, an innovator, an enthusiastic educationist, a fierce patriot and a devoted social worker. He was the first Indian scientist to issue daily weather forecasts on his own. He was also the first Indian scientist to work on the nucleus and cosmic "e rays - and that too with Ernest Rutherford. I first wrote on Ruchi Ram Sahni in NCSTC Communications (November 1991 and January 1992 issues). Subsequently, we brought out an edited version of his memoirs under the aegis of Vigyan Prasar, The way he popularised science is not only appealing but also instructive and is still relevant. That is why I thought it proper to include here the story already told for the benefit of the readers of Dream-2047. The Punjab Science Institute (PSI) was established as a
registered Society in 1.885. The main objective of the Institute was
popularisation of all kinds of scientific knowledge throughout
Punjab by means of lectures (in English and in the vernacular)
illustrated with experiments and slides, as well as the publication
of tracts. (Incidentally, Punjab in those days consisted of the
present-day Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh in India and parts
or whole of Punjab in Pakistan.) The PSI objectives were expanded
after a few years to include the encouragement of technical
education, particularly of chemical industries. There were others who chose their own topics and prepared their own lectures, designed and put together their own slides and experimental demonstrations, One of them was a physicist, Prof, Ruchi Ram Sahni, who was a co-founder and Joint Secretary of PSI. While working at Shim la, with the Meteorology Department :is the Second Assistant Meteorological Reporter, he used to give popular lectures on 'Weather' with special reference to India and the Monsoon phenomenon. These lectures created much interest and were attended by Indian and European individuals, and clerks in Government of India offices. The interest and enthusiasm generated all over the Punjab province by popular lectures organised by the Punjab Science Institute could be gauged from the demands received by PSI from all over to send lectures, and from the fact that it was even "decided to charge a small fee at mofussil stations to cover at least part of the expenses incurred in sending out lectures generally accompanied by a laboratory assistant and the necessary apparatus to illustrate the lecture". "... after 1886, a fee ranging from 1 to 2 annas became a common feature at the popular lectures given in mofussil even when the lecturer was a local man. As a rule, in such cases, part of the apparatus and very frequently, an assistant... had to be sent from the headquarters". In 90 per cent of the cases, it was Prof. Ruchi Ram Sahni who was called upon to respond to these requests for popular lectures – one reason being that especially between 1890 to 1898, he had delivered so many popular lectures at Lahore and at other stations in Punjab that he was never' at a loss for a topic for his lecture, or the appropriate apparatus to illustrate it'. I n fact, there was a rapidly widening circle of friends and pupils, some of whom used to send him personal requests and invitations to visit their stations for a popular lecture. According to a rough estimate, Prof Sahni must have delivered some 500 such popular lectures. Included among these was the annual course of some twenty lectures in the Punjabi language which he gave In the compound of the Baoli Sahib at Lahore. Prof Sahni considered these to be his most successful popular lectures which, week after week, attracted a large number of shopkeepers at a time of the day when people were out making their daily purchases. Not only that, the audience was always forthcoming with suggestions whenever Prof Sahni found himself struggling for a correct Punjabi expression or word for something he was explaining/describing. Each year, about ten of his lectures were devoted to very common, everyday subjects, such as "Soapmaking", "The water Lahoris drank before 1880", "Pure and impure air", "The toys and their lessons", "Electroplating", "Electricity in the service of man (4 parts))", "Glass-making", "The Punjab and its rivers"(illustrated by a large relief map made in clay under Prof Sahni's direction for an exhibition in Lahore), " The common flame", "How does the telegraph wire speak?", etc. Several other lectures (of a slightly advanced variety) were repeated at mofussil stations and at other places in Lahore. All this had created much enthusiasm and interest in the study of science; so much so,that "there were mare schools teaching science as a regular subject of studies and more scholars studying elementary physics and chemistry in Punjab than in any other province of India". Every once in a While, Prof Sahni chose to speak an the latest scientific discoveries in his popular lectures; these proved a success for beyond his widest expectations. In fact, his lectures on the newly discovered "X-rays'" ".Edison's phonograph" and the "wireless telegraphy" created so much interest that persistent demands came for their repetition at the same place two, three times and even oftener. Also, the experiments on the wireless during these lectures were perhaps among the earliest experiments repeated in India. Prof. Sahni has cited several. of his personal experiences to nail the contention often made during his time (what's new! So. it has been even in our times) that it was not possible to teach science through the medium of Punjabi or other Indian languages. As a rule all these lectures, through fees charged for them, generated enough resources to cover all related expenses. In fact, because of the popularity of the lectures organised by PSI, enough funds had been collected that after investing money in the purchase of scientific apparatus and of books for the library, a sum of Rs. 3000/- in cash was left with the Society when it was decided to close the institute because of the circumstances, that had arisen. The money left aver was actually meant for building a lecture-hall at Lahore and thus a permanent local habitation for PSI, "which was not to be"! A new association, the Society for the promotion of scientific knowledge (SPSK), with objects similar to those of PSI, had been established by same students of the Lahore Medical College, with Dr C.C. Caleb as its President. By this time, Prof Oman, co.-founder of PSI with Prof Sahni, had left India. Prof Sahni gat deeply absorbed in "serious and complicated litigation in the Dyal Singh will case, which lasted for about 10 years". Several members of PSI had joined SPSK and there was not enough room for two bodies with same objectives to work parallelly. Also, at the Government College, with Prof A.S. Hemm as the Head of the Science Department (where Prof Ruchi Ram Sahni was a faculty member), "certain practical difficulties" led to the decision of closing dawn PSI and transferring all its assets to the new Society under Dr. C.C. Caleb, who was an active member of the erstwhile PSI.
During his deep involvement with the delivery of popular science lectures and with the overall management of this PSI activity, Prof Ruchi Ram Sahni had realized quite early that 'no science teaching in the province was possible without the provision of ordinary facilities for the repairs of simple school apparatus'. Even if PSI members were convinced of the need, no other member could be convinced that a workshop set up by them could possibly undertake the repairs of scientific instruments: everyone was so apprehensive of the likely difficulties even in undertaking repairs of scientific Instruments; let alone manufacturing them, that no onesl1pported the workshop idea (In fact, the idea of a workshop attached to the Science Department of a College was even more unthinkable, thenl) Undeterred by this, and convinced of the need, Prof Sahni established the PSI workshop in 1888, armed With little or no spare money of his own but With the confidence that, somehow if he persevered with the project, success would have to follow! Prof Sahni was able to work out an arrangement with a Railway workshop Mistri (technician), Shri Allah bakhsh – who had some ordinary tools and a simple charcoal furnace with a single goat"skin bellows at his house -- to prepare a few simple pieces of apparatus for him. This man, who was getting a salary of Rs. 25 per month and making another Rs. 10 by mending locks, making keys and doing other odd jobs for the neighbours, later became the Head Mistri of the PSI workshop. For this, Prof Sahni used to spend four hours every day - 8 p.m. to midnight - at Mistri Allah Bakhsh's house located at the for end of a long _ narrow lane. This meant real hard labour, V preparing for his lectures and class work in the morning, delivering popular lectures and managing the PSI's popular lecture programme, attending to his official duties at the college, and then spending long hours supervising his new 'baby workshop' at the Mistri's house. The simple items being made in the 'workshop' were sold to schools at cost price, or even less - price meaning the cost of materials and Mistri's labour only, and not accounting for the long hours spend by Prof Sahni supervising the whole operation. This arrangement continued for about a year. The workshop was then shifted to Prof Sahni's house, with Shri Allah Bakhsh as a whole time Mistri at a monthly salary of Rs. 45. Prof Sahni had invested his entire savings of Rs. 1500 as 'outlay capital' on the workshop. With a full-time Mistri and a few unskilled helpers, to begin with, the operations expanded manifold. After some years, a "Lock and Safes" section was added to the workshop, as a side-enterprise, largely to keep such a large number of trained men occupied for half the day with lock-making; outside piece-jobs were also being taken up within a month of adding this section; two types of locks were designed and produced which no other key would fit and which could only be broken open. So quickly did the demand grow for these locks that this section was making a net profit of Rs. 100 per month. This, thus, assured the success of the scientific section of the PSI workshop; here was a source of regular monthly income which could make up any shortfall on the instruments side. Later, the 'Locks and Safes' section had to be closed down because some friends of Prof Sahni wanted to start manufacture of such locks on a large scale. However, this new enterprise did not last more than 34 years, in the absence of proper supervision and quality control; the company lost its reputation and had to wind up with heavy losses. At the time, all the brass-casting and turning jobs till then used to get done outside on a contract basis. With increased work, however, getting piece jobs done outside became more and more problematic. So, a small casting, section had to be added to the workshop; this also meant allowing doing of outside jobs to keep all the employed workers gainfully engaged. This done, there were problems on the metal turning front, since the workshop did not have its own lathe; those few in the city who were doing contract jobs for the PSI workshop earlier, were becoming more and more unreasonable with every passing day, with hikes in their demands. The PSI workshop needed a lathe badly and right away, and also the services of a good turner! With the help of Mistri Allah Bakhsh, Prof Sahni was able to locate an unemployed turner who knew of an individual in a place called Kusur (near Ferozepur) who had a used lathe that was available for sale at a reasonable price. Prof Sahni employed the turner on a decent salary on the condition that the lathe was purchased. On reaching Kusur, it was discovered that the lathe owner already knew Prof Ruchi Ram Sahni and had used his workshop in the past for odd 10bs. Thus a very reasonable deal was worked out and the lathe was dismantled, packed and brought back by train to Lahore, taken straight to the workshop at Prof Sahni's house, assembled and installed overnight; a whole lot of associated tools and fixtures too had come with the lathe. Next day, every one was stunned to see a working lathe, where there was nothing the previous evening. Prof. J.G. Oman, who was away on holiday to UK when the PSI workshop was founded, returned in mid.1889. He did not quite like the idea of this workshop having started during his absence, and insisted that it strictly limit itself, to repairs of school apparatus. This was not quite possible, since there was not enough repair work to be done to keep engaged even the small number of artisans that the workshop had employed. It was thought prudent, however, to slow down the pace. With widening experience, the workshop began to handle repairs of more complicated apparatus. Prof Sahni's popular lectures all over Punjab, helped spread the good reputation of the workshop in the whole province; even some PWD offices began to send instruments like theodolites, prismatic compasses etc for repair to the PSI workshop. Such opportunities, involving overhauling and examination of the working of a variety of delicate instruments, helped raise confidence of the workshop Mistries (technicians) who were then emboldened to undertake the manufacture of more advanced school and college apparatus. By the early 1890s, despite all the self restraint, the workshop had developed into a reputed institution in respect of its workmen and appliances for the manufacture of a fairly decent set of scientific instruments. During a trip to Bombay, for making some essential material purchases (like brass, zinc and other metal plates, and copper and brass wires of various thicknesses etc), Prof Sahni landed himself in a local English firm dealing in scientific apparatus, to pick up some items for which his workshop had placed orders with this firm. While making inquiries about his order, Prof Sahni came across the name of Shri Hira Lal, Science instructor at Hoshangabad, C.R, who had placed an order for Tate's Air Pump with that firm. On returning to his residence, Prof Sahni shot off a long letter to Shri Hira Lal, telling him about PSI, the PSI workshop, and enclosing his own small catalogue of apparatus available from the PSI workshop at half the prices shown in the British firms' catalogues - with an offer to send him everything on approval and on a returnable basis, if necessary, at the PSI workshop's expense. This, subsequently, led to a longstanding relationship and the workshop enjoyed Shri Hira Lal's patronage for along while thereafter. Also, during the above trip to Bombay, Prof Sahni accidentally wandered into a public auction being conducted on behalf of a firm dealing in scientific instruments, which had gone into liquidation. At this auction, Prof Sahni was able to 'outbid' all the others to pick up three platinum cups, 20 platinum plates for. Grove's battery cells, four other machines, a huge lot of carbon plates, a lot of cotton and silk covered insulated wire, some electric bells with batteries etc, 'among others - all for a paltry sum of As 124. He had all the stuff safely packed and had it despatched to his workshop at Lahore by train. On his return, he sold most of the items, picked up at the auction in Bombay, for a profit of at least As. 3000 which was credited to the PSI workshop account. With a comfortable financial position, the workshop was able to afford sending gifts of simple apparatus costing As 4 to 7 each to some of the schools. All the five inspectors of Schools in the province were informed, through a circular, about the history and progress of the workshop and its capabilities and were offered a set of a dozen selected pieces of apparatus produced by the workshop and a Mistri to explain and demonstrate the working of all the instruments Of these, the only one to respond was the only Indian among the five inspectors, Master Pyare Lal from the Jalandhar Circle; the others did not even bother to acknowledge the circular! He offered to visit the workshop at his convenience to see the apparatus being actually made. He in face so sometime later and spend three hours familiarising himself fully with all the details. Master Pyare Lal proved a great source of encouragement, later, like Shri Hira Lal of Hoshangabad. One European gentleman, occupying a high post, "even blurted out the opinion that he would not cut the throat of his own people byencouraging an industrial undertaking like the workshop. He seemed to regret the remark afterwards because he tried to explain himself away. The Head of the Department of Instruction, however, officially expressed his gratification that the workshop was providing facilities for the teaching of science subjects to the schools in the province". Industrial conference. at Poona In the summer of 1893, Prof Sahni received an invitation from Shri Namjoshi of Poona (a well, known public worker in the cause of industrial advancement of the country), to attend an industrial conference to be l1eld in the ensuing autumn. Her_ was an opportunity to bring the PSI workshop to the notice of wider audience specially interested in new industrial undertakings. Prof Sahni, accompanied by his Head Mistri Allah Bakhsh, arrived in Poona with several boxes of scientific instruments made at Lahore. At Poona, the grand old man Shri Govind Ranade insisted that Prof Sahni stayed with him at his house. Prof Sahni was greatly impressed by the simplicity and unconventional ways and characteristics of Shri Ranade during his six days of stay with him, and long walks in the morning. The Conference, on a suggestion from Shri Namjoshi, had appointed a three-member Committee to examine the apparatus brought from Lahore and on display at the Conference, and to present a report on the same. Surprisingly, the Committee made its report confidential. 'Why?' No one was able or willing to tell Prof Sahni. At last, Shri Namjoshi told Prof Sahni in confidence that, in effect, "the Committee did not believe that the apparatus could have been made at Lahore or anywhere else in India". They were, in fact, convinced that the instruments exhibited were really made in England and that all that the PSI workshop had done was to remove the original varnish and replace it or create a varnish of their own so as to give ,it the appearance of an Indian origin, and the proof of it was the further fact that with all their own resources of skill and appliances in Bombay and elsewhere they themselves could not turn out similar articles. With the permission of the President of the Conference, Prof Sahni was able to speak for ten minutes about his workshop with special reference to the instruments that were exhibited at the Conference. Prof. Sahni stated that, in his view, the Committee, could not possibly have made it more flattering for the PSI workshop. For it meant only two things: (a) But for the varnishing, the Lahore-made apparatus stood on par with the imported Britishmade apparatus in respect of the actual working; and (b) the report showed that the workshop in Lahore had been able to achieve a success that was admittedly beyond all the resources of the' more advanced presidency of Bombay. In response, Prof Sahni made three alternatives offers to the Conference. (i) the Conference could depute any number of individuals to
visit the PSI workshop at Lahore to see the apparatus in the actual
process of its manufacture and that, if not satisfied with the
made-in-Lahore claim, the workshop would be responsible for the to
and fro second class fare of all the deputed individuals. (iii) the Head Mistry could be left at Poona, Bombay, or anywhere else where he could be provided with the necessary facilities for the manufacture of the apparatus. He would then make any of the items they liked in front of their own eyes. All that they needed to guarantee in return was the salary of the Mistri, for the time, not exceeding a month. This submission by Prof Sahni was greeted with loud applause and Prof Modak of Baroda (probably the Chairman of the reporting Committee) came forward and embraced Prof Sahni. This was the start of along association of Prof Modak with the workshop and with Prof Sahni. The subsequent history of the workshop was a string of successes and achievements. It continued with the routine of manufacturing and selling apparatus from year to year! Yes, the output increased, the sales mounted and its reputation spread to other provinces with orders from the most distant parts of the country. Some years later, when an industrial exhibition became a regular adjunct of the annual session of the Indian National Congress, exhibits from the PSI workshop attracted particular notice and were recommended for gold or silver medals. At the 1906 Calcutta Exhibition, Prof JC Bose was one of the Committee of judges for the section on scientific exhibits; he spoke of the workshop's contribution to the exhibition in flattering terms; and the workshop was awarded a Gold medal. With the passage of time, the quality of the apparatus improved and more advanced and more delicate pieces of apparatus such as resistance boxes and chemical balances etc. were turned out. They compared favourably with most of the imported articles. Yes, the workshop never could come anywhere near the best instruments used for research work. But even for such of the delicate instruments that were produced by the workshop, the demand was very limited, so much so that it was difficult to make suitable arrangements for the calibration and reliable testing of these instruments. With a stronger effort at promotion, perhaps a few more orders could have been secured. Prof Sahni was keen to add some new activity to the workshop. He thought of adding a section to make binoculars, and students mircoscopes etc for which a fairly sizeable demand had grown. He even went to Germany in 1914, with. a large sum of money, to bring back the required appliances for grinding lenses etc. But the war broke out and he had to return home empty handed, after spending a year in England. Towards the close of the nineteenth century, Prof Sahni seriously toyed with the idea of establishing a big chemical factory at Lahore. He did some ground work, made a practical study of the different aspects and, among other things, visited Calcutta to discuss the matter with Dr P.C. Ray. Sulphuric Acid was the chemical Prof Sahni had in mind for manufacture. With Dr. Ray's help, he was able to visit some factories. Despite all this, the idea never could materialise. |